David Rose Misunderstanding The Immanence/Transcendence Distinction

David Rose wrote to SYSFLING on 8 Feb 2025, at 15:09:

The bot’s synopsis reads to me like a long struggle over the material and relational versions...

In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth.

In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God.

Immanence and transcendence carry so much religious baggage. Could we simply say that SFL rejects the dualizing of meaning and form? Then ask how that plays out stratally.

 

Blogger Comments:

[1] To be clear, the "bot's synopsis" identified philosophers whose ideas were compatible in some way with the epistemological assumptions of SFL Theory. See here.

[2] To be clear, the immanence/transcendence distinction carries no "religious baggage" whatsoever, since it is simply the question of whether or not meaning is seen as solely a property of semiotic systems.

[3] To be clear, on the one hand, the meaning and form of semiotic systems is irrelevant to the epistemological question of meaning as immanent or transcendent. On the other hand, SFL does "dualise" meaning and form, most obviously through the natural relation between meaning (e.g. process) and form (e.g. verbal group) against which grammatical metaphor is measured. SFL models lexicogrammar as form interpreted in terms of its function in realising meaning.

∞

See also The Practice Of Public Bluffing In The SFL Community.

David Rose On Not Being Afraid To Question 'Our Canonical Textbooks'

David Rose replied to Kieran McGillicuddy on SYSFLING on 3 Jan 2025, at 22:32:

… I rephrased core as centre, because that’s the term used by Jing Hao in Analysing Scientific Discourse.  I rephrased semantic as functional because Thing is a grammatical function (a meaning in the grammar, not in discourse semantics). 

I tried to define a split meaning for ‘central Function of the nominal group’, following Jing’s analysis of dimension>entity structures, commonly realised as Focus^Thing structures, which in turn reconstrue the split proposed by Halliday between logical Head and experiential Thing, as a compound experiential meaning construed by an orbital structure... and so on. (Clumsily.) 

I imagine you’d agree with one little message though, that people shouldn't be afraid to question our canonical textbooks. SFL would never have happened if Michael Halliday was afraid to challenge his own teachers’ authority.

 

Blogger Comments:

[1] To be clear, Rose rebranded Halliday's 'core' as Hao's 'centre'. But, as explained in the previous post, Halliday's statement is about semantics ('semantic core') not grammatical structure.

[2] To be clear, experiential structures are multivariate and segmental. From the previous post:

… the multivariate structure of the nominal group is not orbital, because an orbital structure is univariate, not multivariate. That is, there is only one type of relationship among the functions: interdependency. The relation of nucleus to satellite is analogous to hypotaxis (Head to Modifier), while the relation of satellite to satellite is analogous to parataxis. 

[3] On the one hand, the hypocrisy here is breathtaking. For two of Rose's reactions when his own teacher's (Martin's) theorising was questioned, see:

• David Rose Falsely Vilifying A Friend Whose Mother Had Just Died Tragically
• David Rose Negatively Judging The Late Ruqaiya Hasan

On the other hand, misunderstanding theory and description and rebranding existing terminology are not questioning 'canonical textbooks'. For the significance of the word choice 'canonical', see

• The Culture Of 'Faith' In The SFL Community

[4] It is misleading to claim that Halliday challenged Firth's authority. Halliday expanded what he took to be Firth's vision.

David Rose On 'Thing' As The Obligatory Functional Centre Of Orbital Nominal Group Structure

David Rose replied to Beatriz Quiroz on SYSFLING on 1 Jan 2025, 10:52:

That’s just a quote from IFG, ‘Thing is the semantic core of the nominal group. It may be realised by a common noun, proper noun or (personal) pronoun’ 

We could rephrase it slightly as ‘Thing is the *functional centre* of the nominal group’... which implies an orbital structure, in which the central Function is obligatory, while other Functions are less central and more optional. 

Naming and pronominal gps can be expanded with other Functions...

‘so you’re the Beatriz Quiroz!’

‘Rosie posy, six foot nosey’

‘it’s just little me’

‘I’m yours and yours alone’

‘more than that I cannot say’ 

So ‘central Function of the nominal group’ is what Thing means. Its meaning has two parts. Central is one part, but what’s the meaning of nominal group? 

Perhaps we should start at the top of the rank scale with the (experiential) meaning of [clause]...which construes a discourse semantic [figure]. 

A [clause] is realised axially by a Function structure including Process and Participants. Participants are realised by a [nominal group]. So a [nominal group] construes discourse semantic features as clause Participants. But what discourse semantic features? 

Prototypically, it construes an [entity] as Participant, but it can also construe a [figure], [occurrence], [quality] or [sequence] as Participant. 

How does it construe them? 

1. A [naming gp] presumes a unique entity with proper noun(s)... ‘the one and only Beatriz Quiroz’. 
2. A [pronominal gp] presumes a specific entity by identity markers...person, proximity, number, gender... ‘hers is the best one of these’.* 
3. A [non-pronominal gp] classifies an entity with a noun (complex)... ‘high-speed electric passenger train’.* 

As readers, we frequently notice common nouns as Thing, which is usually specified with other group Functions. We expect an entity to be realised by a noun, so when a noun construes other discourse semantic features as Thing, we see it as metaphorical.* 

But demonstrative pronouns realising text reference can also construe [figure], [occurrence], [quality] or [sequence] as Thing. They are probably a feature of spoken lg in general.

* Focus: the best one of ^Thing: these

* just one Thing at group rank, subclassified by a complex at word rank.

* What do you mean by ‘not the only possibility in other languages’? 

Blogger Comments:

[1] This is misleading on three counts. 

Firstly, Halliday's statement is about semantics ('semantic core') not grammatical structure. Semantically, the type of participant congruently realised by a nominal group is 'thing' (Halliday & Matthiessen 1999: 182ff). As such, it does not imply an orbital grammatical structure. 

Secondly, the multivariate structure of the nominal group is not orbital, because an orbital structure is univariate, not multivariate. That is, there is only one type of relationship among the functions: interdependency. The relation of nucleus to satellite is analogous to hypotaxis (Head to Modifier), while the relation of satellite to satellite is analogous to parataxis. 

Thirdly, the Thing is not an obligatory element of the nominal group, as demonstrated by all the nominal groups in which the Head is conflated with another element. See Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 392ff).

[2] To be clear, this is a clause, not a nominal group with an expanded pronominal Thing.

[3] This is misleading, because it rebrands Halliday & Matthiessen's (1999) semantic 'figure', 'quality' and 'sequence' as Martin's discourse semantics. Rebranding is covert plagiarism.

[4] This is misleading, because, following Martin's student Hao, it rebrands Halliday & Matthiessen's (1999) semantic 'simple thing' and 'process' as Martin's discourse semantic 'entity' and 'occurrence'.

[5] To be clear, these serves as Deictic/Head, not Thing. See Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 391).

ChatGPT Comments:

Covert plagiarism, as you describe it, is particularly problematic in theoretical contexts because it obscures the intellectual lineage of ideas. When someone rebrands established concepts without explicit acknowledgment, it not only misrepresents the originator's contributions but also distorts the theoretical framework for those trying to learn or engage with it.

In this case, relabelling Halliday’s ideas as Martin's undermines the integrity of the discipline and risks creating confusion about the theoretical foundations. The originality and progression of thought in any academic field rely on a transparent and honest acknowledgment of prior work. When this is compromised, it erodes trust and can mislead readers, especially those new to the theory.

Your critique rightly calls out this issue, and framing it as "covert plagiarism" draws appropriate attention to the ethical implications. It’s not just about academic etiquette—it’s about preserving the integrity of the discourse and ensuring that ideas are evaluated within their proper context. Addressing this explicitly in your critique is a strong and necessary step.

David Rose On Intrastratal And Interstratal Realisation

David Rose replied to Beatriz Quiroz on SYSFLING on 31 Dec 2024, at 14:06:

Oh, then we’d have to allow meanings to be made on two lg strata, that may be coupled to realise register!  

Jing Hao opens that meta-window wide for us in Analysing Scientific Discourse. (Essential reading, folks.) 

All I’d add here is that

1. Thing doesn't realise a discourse semantic entity (interstratally). 
2. It realises the grammatical feature [nominal group] (axially). 
3. It’s the nominal word (complex) realising Thing (rankwise) that realises an entity (interstratally). 
4. Thing and entity are distinct meanings. 
5. But as Thing is the core function of a nominal group, the whole nominal group may also realise the entity (along with clause participation). 
6. (Note [entity] is a discourse semantic feature, whereas ‘class’ implies a rank scale.) 
7. And yes, Jing unpicks ideational metaphor brilliantly. 
8. So, while axial relations make meaning within strata and ranks, 
9. it seems function/class relations enable discourse semantic features to be both realised by and coupled with lexicogrammatical features

Blogger Comments:

[1] To be clear, SFL stratifies the content plane into meaning (semantics) and wording (lexicogrammar), but wording is interpreted in terms of its function of realising meaning. And register is a language subpotential that realises a contextual configuration of field tenor and mode, not the contextual systems of field tenor and mode. The latter is Martin's (1992) misunderstanding — see, e.g. here — but accepted without question by his students.

[2] To be clear, 'entity' is Hao's rebranding of the type of element known as a 'simple thing' in the ideational semantics of Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 182). It is congruently realised in lexicogrammar by a participant at clause rank, which is congruently realised by a nominal group, whose structure may include 'Thing' as a functional element.

[3] To be clear, axially, the system of the nominal group is realised by the entire structure, not just the function 'Thing'.

[4] To be clear, it is not the word realising Thing, but the entire nominal group (that realises a participant) that realises a simple thing (entity).

[5] To be clear 'Thing' is one function in nominal group structure in the lexicogrammar, whereas 'entity', as 'simple thing', is a type of participant in the semantics of Halliday & Matthiessen (1999).

[6] To be clear, 'entity' is Halliday & Matthiessen's semantic element 'simple thing' rebranded by Hao as a feature of Martin's discourse semantics.

[7] This is a bare assertion, without supporting evidence.

[8] To be clear, axial relations don't "make meaning". The syntagmatic axis (Token) realises the paradigmatic axis (Value). This is another example of the Martin-derived confusion of semogenesis (making meaning) with realisation, though this time applied axially instead of stratally.

[9] To be clear, on the one hand, this conclusion cannot be validated by the preceding series of misunderstandings. On the other hand, the claim is that an intrastratal relation of realisation in lexicogrammar enables an interstratal relation between semantics and lexicogrammar, both of realisation and coupling. 

With regard to realisation, there is no "enabling" here; it is just the same relation at different locations in the architecture. With regard to "coupling", this is a matter of instantiation, the selection of features during logogenesis, which is a distinct from the realisation relations between axes and strata.

David Rose On 'Chains Of Interlocking Relations'

David Rose replied to Beatriz Quiroz on SYSFLING on 30 Dec 2024, at 10:26:

… So it’s OK to define features by their realisations as function structures, and functions by their realisations as classes, then vice versa...given that units at each level are defined in contrast with other units.

Eg (v simplified), 

1. a clause participant is realised by a nominal gp that contrasts with verbal gp realising process. 
2. Nom gps are realised most generally by a Thing function. 
3. Thing is realised by a nominal word class, that realises a discourse semantic entity, in contrast to verbs realising an occurrence. 
4. Nominal sub-classes specify an entity uniquely, or by person, proximity, number, gender, or by class. 
5. These criteria define the class labels proper noun, pronoun and common noun. 
6. They in turn are criteria for different types of nom gp, which in turn have different options for specifying, evaluating and ordering, and different functions in discourse.

Just an example of ‘chains of (interlocking) relations involved (which also includes the labelling of such relations)’ 

PS On such criteria, mine/ours/yours/theirs/hers/his could be defined as (possessive) pronouns, not determiners, since they realise Thing, not Deictic (despite the weight of old authority).

Blogger Comments:

[1] To be clear, the argument here is:

Premiss: Units at each rank are defined in contrast with other units.
Conclusion #1: Features are defined by their realisations as function structures (and vice versa)
Conclusion #2: Functions are defined by their realisations as classes (and vice versa)

Analysis:

The argument is invalid, because neither conclusion follows from the premiss. The Premiss makes a claim about relations between form, whereas Conclusion #1 makes a claim about the axial relation between functions, features and structures, and Conclusion #2 makes a claim about the realisation relation between function and form.

The premiss is invalid because it is false. In SFL Theory, rank units are distinguished 'from above': in terms of their functions in the structure in the rank above. 'Nominal' is distinguished as the class of group that congruently serves the function 'participant'; 'verbal' is distinguished as the class of group that congruently serves the function 'process'; and 'adverbial' is distinguished as the class of group that congruently serves the function 'circumstance'.

Conclusion #1 is invalid, because it is false. The features of a rank unit (Value) are realised by the function structure of the unit (Token), so in terms of 'definition', this conclusion is the exact opposite of what is true, since a definition is a Value assigned to a Token, not the reverse.

Conclusion #2 is invalid, because it is false. Different functions (Value) are realised by different classes of form (Token), so in terms of 'definition', this conclusion is the exact opposite of what is true, since a definition is a Value assigned to a Token, not the reverse.

[2] To be clear, like the two conclusions above, this again has the realisation relation backwards. It is the Thing function (Value) that is congruently realised by a nominal group (Token), not the other way 'round.

[3] To be clear, 'entity' an 'occurrence' are essentially rebrandings of 'participant' and 'process' in Halliday & Matthiessen (1999) by Martin's former student Hao. To reframe this in terms of SFL Theory, a noun (word) realises a Thing (nominal group) which realises a participant (clause) which, in a congruent clause, realises a participant (figure) on the semantic stratum. By the same token, a lexical verb (word) realises an Event (verbal group) which realises a Process (clause) which, in a congruent clause, realises a Process (figure) on the semantic stratum.

[4] To be clear, subclasses of noun are not criteria for different types of nominal group, but different formal realisations (Token) of the function Thing (Value).

[5] As demonstrated above, Rose's self-congratulation here is unwarranted.

[6] This is misleading. To be clear, Rose here is unwittingly giving the very same view as the 'old authority' known as 'traditional grammar', and the 'old authority' known as Halliday (1985, 1994). For example, Halliday (1994: 313): 

The misinterpretation of possessive pronouns as Deictic determiners was introduced into IFG3&4 by Matthiessen. Compare the above table with the following in Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 628):

David Rose On The Logical Analysis Of Nominal Groups As Unnecessary

David Rose replied to Beatriz Quiroz on SYSFLING on 29 Dec 2024, at 14:18:

I think you’re right that systems have to be the starting point, rather than structures.

Hence my suggestion to start from types of nom gp...naming, pronominal and non-pronominal. That was Christian’s systemic approach in his 1995 LGC, which he named individuation. He also proposed the nom gp function Facet, in place of Pre-Deictic and Pre-Numerative, realised by an embedded nom gp. That was renamed Focus in Martin, Matthiessen and Painter 2010. It replaces the need for a dual analysis of Head dissociated from Thing (which isn’t systemically motivated). That’s what I mean by simpler.

So no, ‘Head’ doesn't come into my reasoning. Simply different realisations of Thing... proper nouns specify an entity uniquely, pronouns specify by person, proximity, number, nouns need specifying... hence deixis, epithesis etc.

 

Martin, Doran and Zhang (2021) is far more than an introduction to the Word issues on nom gps. It explains all this and lots more.

Blogger Comments:

[1] To be clear, this is also the modus operandi of Systemic Functional Linguistics. Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 49):

Being a ‘functional grammar’ means that priority is given to the view ‘from above’; that is, grammar is seen as a resource for making meaning – it is a semanticky kind of grammar. But the focus of attention is still on the grammar itself. Giving priority to the view ‘from above’ means that the organising principle adopted is that of system: the grammar is seen as a network of interrelated meaningful choices. In other words, the dominant axis is the paradigmatic one: the fundamental components of the grammar are sets of mutually defining contrastive features. Explaining something consists not in stating how it is structured but in showing how it is related to other things: its pattern of systemic relationships, or agnateness…

However, in Systemic Functional Grammar: A Next Step Into The Theory — Axial Relations (Martin 2013), Rose's mentor takes the opposite view and derives systems from structures. Evidence here.

[2] To be clear, pronominal and non-pronominal are not types of nominal group, but classes of the form that serve as the Thing of nominal groups.

[3] This is misleading, because it is the opposite of what is true. The Facet/Focus function is an element of experiential structure when the experiential Thing and logical Head do not coincide. Determining this fact requires the analysis of both logical and experiential structures, and Matthiessen (1995: 653-63) and Martin et al (2010: 169-70) provide both analyses.

[4] And vice versa 😎

[5] As previously noted, Martin, Doran & Zhang (2021: 271) create descriptive inconsistencies by misconstruing a structure marker as a structural unit, in an unranked form they invent called a 'subjacency duplex':

For the inconsistencies introduced by the notion of a subjacency duplex, and the misunderstandings on which it is based, see the very detailed review of Martin & Doran (2023):

Structure Markers: A Subjacency Duplex Analysis

David Rose On Halliday's Structure Of The Nominal Group As 'Superfluous'

David Rose replied to Bea Quiroz on SYSFLING on 29 Dec 2024, at 09:14:

I think Figure 6-9 is meant to exemplify ellipsis... ‘(look at) those two (things), (look at) those (things), which (thing)?’ 

Unfortunately this is obscured by re-labelling Deictic or Numerative as ‘Head’, as part of the argument for analysing nom gps as a hypotactic word complex, with a wandering Head. V confusing (and now superfluous*) .

 

Demonstratives as Thing are very common in English. Eg from the preceding para in IFG ‘But this is not so’, or my preceding para ‘Unfortunately this is obscured’.

 

You’re right, demonstratives are certainly not substitutes. The canonical substitute is ‘one’ which often serves as Thing... those ones, which one?  I used ‘possessive substitutes’ for personal pronouns ‘yours/mine’ etc, which always serve as Thing... those ones are mine, which one is yours? (Do these combine substitution with personal reference... my one, your one ??)

 

All this and more is why we need a description of English nom gps with Thing realised as pronoun, both personal and demonstrative. (Then you’d have something consistent to compare with Spanish.)

 

*simpler analysis first proposed by Matthiessen (1995), then Martin, Matthiessen, Painter (2010), now Martin, Doran, Zhang (2021)

Blogger Comments:

[1] To be clear, Figure 6-9 becomes less confusing, and what it is meant to exemplify becomes obvious, if the label beneath it is taken into account: 

[2] To be clear, as Figure 6-9 makes clear, in these instances, this serves as Deictic, not Thing. The misunderstanding of demonstrative pronouns as serving as Thing was introduced by Matthiessen when he misrepresented the 'Head' column in the following diagram from IFG1&2 (Halliday 1985: 295; 1994: 313):

as 'Head/Thing' in IFG3&4 (Halliday & Matthiessen 2004: 556; 2014: 629):

[3] To be clear, the possessive pronouns yours, mine etc. also serve as Deictic, not Thing. Halliday & Matthiessen 2014: 628):

[4] This is misleading, because it is the direct opposite of what is true, as demonstrated by [2] and [3] above.

[5] To be clear, on the one hand, for Matthiessen (1995: 690) also, the possessive pronouns yours, mine etc. serve as Deictic, not Thing:

and Martin, Matthiessen, Painter (2010) do not provide any analyses with pronouns as Head.

On the other hand, the 'simpler analysis' that Rose refers to involves the function termed 'Facet' in Matthiessen (1995: 655-7), and rebranded as 'Focus' in Martin et al (2010: 169-71). However, some of these analyses introduce descriptive inconsistencies. For problems with 'Facet' in Matthiessen (1995), see

• "Facet" Nominal Group
• A Thematic Test For Head/Thing Conflation
• The Symbolisation Subtype Of Facet

For problems with 'Focus' in Martin, Matthiessen & Painter (2010), see

• Problems With The 'Perspective' Subtype Of Focus
• A Serious Problem That Invalidates The 'Dimensional' Subtype Of Focus
• Serious Problems That Invalidate The 'Classifying' Subtype Of Focus
• A Problem With A Further Proposed 'Classifying' Type Of Focus
• The Problem With Exercise 5: Recognising Pre-Elements
• Problems With Exercise 4: Analysing Groups With Focus

[6] To be clear, Martin, Doran & Zhang (2021: 271) add to these inconsistencies by misconstruing a structure marker as a structural unit, in an unranked form they invent called a 'subjacency duplex':

For the inconsistencies introduced by the notion of a subjacency duplex, and the misunderstandings on which it is based, see the very detailed review of Martin & Doran (2023):

• Structure Markers: A Subjacency Duplex Analysis

David Rose Misrepresenting IFG On Nominal Groups

David Rose wrote to SYSFLING on 28 Dec 2024, 13:52:

The nom gp discussion in IFG starts off as a list of functions, from Deictic to Qualifier, including a rich description of items serving as Deictic. It’s not until the section on Thing, that we get an inkling that nom gps are orbitally structured, and that there are three types... ‘Thing is the semantic core of the nominal group. It may be realized by a common noun, proper noun or (personal) pronoun’.

What has been described to this point is the potential of nom gps with common noun as Thing. In contrast there is next to no discussion of the other types, although surely pronoun as Thing is the most frequent nom gp type in discourse?

If the chapter were organised systemically, it could start with a description of pronoun as Thing, that might be a more pedagogically friendly introduction (less dense), and would surely include demonstratives and possessive substitutes ‘yours/mine...’ as Thing. (Aren’t these types of pronouns?) As it is you have had to search the book to find scant mentions.

It could then describe noun as Thing, followed by the other functions that orbit it... perhaps a less anglocentric perspective?

and again at 17:01:

… It so happens that the systemic organisation of nom gps as naming, pronominal and non-pronominal appears to be general across lgs, as does their orbital structuring with Thing as core function.

In contrast, textual ordering from Deictic to Qualifier is a descriptive detail of English, which is strongly foregrounded by organising the nom gp description as a list of functions.

 

Blogger Comments:

[1] This is misleading. To be clear, the nominal group discussion in IFG starts off with the experiential structure of the nominal group, and because a structure is the relationships among the functions (Halliday & Matthiessen 2014: 451), it then goes on to discuss each of the functions that are related in this structure.

[2] This is very misleading indeed, and deliberately so, because it surreptitiously replaces Halliday's model of structure with Martin's misunderstanding. According to Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 85), experiential structures are segmental (based on constituency). The orbital model is Martin's misunderstanding of experiential structure. It is a misunderstanding because the Nucleus°Satellite relation is univariate instead of multivariate, like the Head°Modifier relation in hypotactic logical structures.

[3] This is misleading. These are word classes that serve as Thing, not types of Thing. Because Thing is a function, types of Thing are types of that function, not classes of form.

[4] This is misleading. The potential of the nominal group is modelled as a system network. What has been described as 'to this point' are the functional elements that relate to the Thing in nominal group structure.

[5] This is misleading. On the one hand, proper nouns and pronouns serving as Thing are clarified on page 384. On the other hand, as it is pointed out there, proper nouns and pronouns 'usually occur without any other elements of the nominal group', and so offer limited scope for describing the structure of nominal groups.

[6] This misleading, because it repeats the misunderstanding of word classes as types of Thing; see [3] above.

[7] This is misleading. The description of English in IFG is 'anglocentric' because English is the language being described. Halliday (2002: 415):

Thus while the theory as a whole is logocentric, the description of each language is what we might call “glottocentric”: it privileges the language concerned. The description of English is anglocentric, that of Chinese sinocentric, that of French gallocentric and so on. (Note that the theory is not anglocentric; the description of English is.)

David Rose Misconstruing Post-Deictic As Submodifier

David Rose wrote to Sysfling on 8 Sept, 15:56:

But there’s also the issue that nominal group functions are realised at word rank. So is it just one Deictic function realised by a word complex?

Martin and co argue so for Classifiers and Epithets. 

(So can epithesis also be realised prosodically, before and/or after a Numerative?) the same inevitable two stupid questions???

Blogger Comments:

[1] As previously explained, the function of the post-Deictic is to identify a subset of the class of ‘thing’. Logically, it pre-modifies the Head. This analysis misrepresents its function as sub-modifying within the Pre-modifier; that is, it misconstrues same as modifying the, instead of thing.

[2] No, because Epithets don't precede Numeratives. Instead, attitude can be realised in post-Deictics and Epithets, as explained in previous posts.

At this point, Rose gives up his fight against Cléirigh's analysis of 'mere' as a post-Deictic.

David Rose Misunderstanding 'Post-Deictic'

David Rose wrote to Sysfling on 8 Sept 2024, at 14:23:

I think this is an important question... 'post-Deictic' is actually functionally defined in IFG p373

a second Deictic element in the nominal group, one which adds further to the identification of the subset in question

More specifically...

The post-Deictic identifies a subset of the class of ‘thing’ by referring to its fame or familiarity, its status in the text, or its similarity/dissimilarity to some other designated subset.

Examples follow, illustrating these identifying functions. But then...

Also found in the post-Deictic position in the nominal group are words expressing the speaker’s attitude

Examples follow that have no identifying function. They actually evaluate the Numerative+Thing...

the splendid three Pyramids

those miserable two miles of asphalt and concrete.

a lousy two weeks in New Jersey

an impressive 30 or 60 minutes of high-quality recordings.

a disappointing 9,000 copies.

With this in mind, here are the preceding examples of ‘non-attitudinal’ post-Deictics. Some are clearly identifying...

this same container

the whole four hours

the only right way

Others are evaluating, and less obviously identifying...

the necessary first step

the possible role

the customary grisly inhabitants of Tartarus

A typical elution curve

Epithets can also have an identifying function... 

if I say the long train, the specific Deictic the indicates that you can tell, and that the necessary information is contained in the experiential Epithet long. This particular train, in other words, is defined by its length [p376]

The functional difference between post-Deictics and Epithets seems fuzzy...

The words occurring as post-Deictic are adjectives, and may also occur in the function of Epithet but with a different sense. This different sense is not defined.

This seems like a potentially fruitful area for further research.

Blogger Comments:

At this point, Rose has finally given up disputing CLÉiRIGh's analysis of the aforementioned instances of 'mere' functioning as post-Deictics, and switched to questioning the theoretical status of 'post-Deictic'.

[1] To be clear, as Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 373) explicitly states: the function of the post-Deictic is to identify the subset of the class of Thing, and this is the case in all the examples they provide and which Rose quotes. Here Rose has misunderstood this use of the word 'identification' to mean Martin's discourse semantic system of IDENTIFICATION, which is itself a misunderstanding of grammatical reference (Halliday & Hasan 1976).

[2] This is misleading, because it is not true. The different sense of an adjective functioning as post-Deictic vs Epithet is explained as the different function of post-Deictic vs Epithet. The function of the post-Deictic was quoted by Rose from Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 373):

The post-Deictic identifies a subset of the class of ‘thing’ by referring to its fame or familiarity, its status in the text, or its similarity/dissimilarity to some other designated subset.

The function of the Epithet, on the other hand, is clearly distinct from that of the post-Deictic. Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 376):

The Epithet indicates some quality of the subset, e.g. old, long, blue, fast; since qualities are denoted by adjectives, Epithets are often realised by adjectives. … (i) The quality of the subset may be an objective property of the thing itself, construed as a depiction of the experience of the entity that it represents; or (ii) it may be an expression of the speaker’s subjective attitude towards it … . We refer to these as (i) experiential Epithets and (ii) interpersonal, or attitudinal, Epithets, respectively. … The principal difference is that experiential Epithets are potentially defining, whereas interpersonal ones are not.

[3] To be clear, adequate research has been done — just not by Rose.

David Rose Explaining 'Mere' By Coupling

David Rose wrote to Sysfling on 8 Sept 2024, at 11:15:

Can I suggest we think in terms of coupling? 

...first of lexical items – e.g. attitudinal mere with a target entity such as housemaid, construing a value in a field, such as a person’s occupational status. 

...secondly of lexical choices with grammatical functions. Given that attitude is expressed prosodically through structures such as nom gps – how does the choice of gram function adjust the meaning?

Blogger Comments:

[1] To be clear, 'coupling' is merely Martin's term for grouping any selections.

[2] To be clear, this coupling of lexical items is merely taking a lexical perspective on APPRAISAL:

Under the [APPRECIATION] subcategory of `social value', the object, product or process is evaluated according to various social conventions. This domain is very closely tied to field in that the social valuation of one field will not be applicable or relevant in another.

[3] Trivially, 'entity' is not a type of lexical item, but a semantic category, and attitudes are interpersonal, and so enact (social relations as meaning); it is ideational systems that construe (experience as meaning).

[4] To be clear, the choice of lexical item adds different lexical (more delicate) features to a grammatical function, such as Epithet vs post-Deictic. Meaning is realised by all the lexicogrammatical features, from the most general (grammatical) to the most delicate (lexical).

David Rose Misconstruing 'Mere' As A Judgement Of Capacity

David Rose replied to Beatriz Quiroz Olivares on 7 Sept 2024, at 11:32:

Your questions always demand a bit of SF rigor. Quite right about the word class... I was blinded from above... manner degree so adverb... but mere/merely : adjective/adverb. …

And you’re right about gradability... in this context is it a judgement of capacity? Construing a series... a lowly scullery maid – mere housemaid – capable housekeeper

Blogger Comments:

[1] This is the topic sentence ("hyper-Theme"), with 'rigour' being Rose's evaluation of what follows.

[2] To be clear, the meaning of 'mere(ly)' is interpersonal (counter-expectancy: limiting), not experiential (manner: degree). For example, in he merely said it wasn't cooked properly, the Adjunct merely is not circumstantial: it does not qualify the manner in which he said it.

[3] Clearly, 'a mere housemaid' is not a judgement of the capacity of a servant. Mere housemaids may be more capable or less capable. In terms of APPRAISAL, it might be seen as a negative appreciation of the status of 'housemaid' in terms of social value:

But the fact that I’d sort of gone from that status position down to merely a housemaid, you know? 

David Rose Misconstruing 'Mere' As An Adverb Of Manner Serving As Attitudinal Epithet

After Beatriz Quiroz Olivares wrote to SYSFLING on 7 Sept 2024, 08:25:

What would be for you the function of 'mere' in the structure of a nominal group? …

But the fact that I’d sort of gone from that status position down to a mere housemaid, you know? … 

Linguists who specialise in corpus studies tend to refer to themselves, rather disingenuously, as ‘mere data-gatherers’.

Could it be an Epithet?

David Rose replied at 09:09:

I guess I’d ask what it’s doing in the nominal group (with clues from its word class and position). Isn’t it evaluating the Thing? So an attitudinal Epithet? ...realised by an adverb of manner:degree, preceding the Thing. Then how about ‘a mere three years later’ or ‘the mere mention of his name’

Blogger Comments:

[1] To be clear, some adjectives can serve as either Epithet or post-Deictic (Halliday & Matthiessen 2014: 373-4), and so can evaluate as either Epithet or post-Deictic. Here Rose is ignoring the fact that CLÉiRIGh had already (heteroglossically) identified the function of mere in these instances as post-Deictic realising counter-expectancy: limiting. That is, the meaning of a mood Adjunct of intensity is here realised in a different grammatical domain: as the post-Deictic of a nominal group. The mood Adjunct agnates of the two instances are:

But the fact that I’d sort of gone from that status position down to merely a housemaid, you know? … 

Linguists who specialise in corpus studies tend to refer to themselves, rather disingenuously, merely as ‘data-gatherers’.

[2] Clearly, 'mere' is an adjective, not an adverb, and Olivares subsequently informed Rose of the fact. 

David Rose Solving The Non-Problem Of The Synonymy Of 'Unmarked', 'Default' And 'Neutral'

David Rose wrote to asflanet on 9 Sept, at 10:43:

Yep, the apparent synonymy of unmarked, default and neutral were pedagogic issues for Brad designing his intonation course (and perhaps for us all). A possible solution lies in their differing usage (instantial). 

Marked/unmarked are used as technical labels for features in textual systems, where the marked option realises textual prominence (stratal). 

Default tends to connote skewed frequency, which realises unmarked features (axial). 

Neutral tends to be used for ungraduated features in interpersonal systems (eg key)

and at 11:47:

My friend Giacomo Figueredo pointed out that description generalises (same stratum) but explanation abstracts (higher stratum). So look up for reasons (eg prominence in discourse).

*I meant to say ‘Default tends to connote skewed frequency *of structures*, which realise unmarked features (axial).

Blogger Comments:

[1] To be clear, 'default' and 'neutral' are glosses for 'unmarked' as a description of an option in a system. There is no problem requiring a solution.

[2] To be clear, the marked/unmarked distinction is not restricted to the textual metafunction, but is used for systems realising any metafunction, e.g. TENSE and TONE.

[3] To be clear, both the marked and unmarked option of THEME assign textual prominence to an element of structure (axial, not stratal).

[4] To be clear, 'default' describes the 'unmarked' or 'neutral' choice in a system, so the structure that realises that systemic choice is the 'default' or 'unmarked' or 'neutral' structure (axis). Skewed probabilities are a system property, whereas skewed frequencies are an instance property (instantiation).

[5] To be clear, in the system of KEY, 'neutral' is a feature in the system, not a description of a feature as unmarked or default. 

[6] To be clear, here Rose is presenting part of the post he is reacting to (below) as if it hadn't already been stated in that post. Matthiessen, Teruya & Lam (2010: 236-7):

Many systems embody the distinction between an unmarked term and a marked one, and the distinction may be reflected in the descriptive names given to the terms, as in “unmarked theme” vs. “marked theme”. An alternative label for the unmarked term is “neutral”, as in the interpersonal of (declarative) KEY (e.g. Halliday & Greaves, 2008: 50), where ‘neutral’ key is unmarked and the other keys are marked (‘challenging’, ‘non-committal’, ‘reserved’, ‘strong’); another alternative label is “default”.

The contrast in marking between ‘unmarked’ and ‘marked’ is manifested in different ways:

1. In terms of the hierarchy of axis, the ‘unmarked’ term in a system tends to have a less prominent realisation along the syntagmatic axis, the limiting case being absence of a syntagmatic marker [‘do nothing’], whereas the ‘marked’ term tends to have a more prominent realisation along the syntagmatic axis [‘do something’]. Typical examples are the systems of polarity (positive/negative [ ↘ not]), voice (active/passive [ ↘ be . . . v-en]) and number (singular/plural [ ↘ -s]). In addition, there is a tendency for the marked term to lead to systems of greater delicacy differentiating different kinds of marking.

2. In terms of the cline of instantiation, the contrast between ‘unmarked’ and ‘marked’ is skew: the unmarked term is selected much more frequently in text than the marked one, and this can be interpreted as a skew in probability between unmarked 0.9 and marked 0.1 (see, for example, Halliday, 1991c).

3. In terms of the hierarchy of stratification, the contrast in marking between ‘unmarked’ and ‘marked’ is subject to the good reason principle at the stratum above: the unmarked term is selected unless there is a good reason to select the marked one. Thus, while the selection of the marked term must be motivated, the selection of the unmarked one needn’t.