Thursday, 3 September 2020

David Rose Crediting Jim Martin With Michæl Halliday's Ideas

It’s also 6 decades since MAKH proposed ’solidary’ relations between metafunctions and field/tenor/mode as contextual dimensions (following Firth and Malinowski), and 3 decades since JRM proposed field/tenor/mode systems as connotative semiotics realised metafunctionally by language and other modalities (following Hjelmslev). The last decade has seen rapid progress in describing these ‘register’ systems and modalities, by rising stars like Jing Hao, Yaegan Doran, Erika Matruglio, Michelle Zappavigna ...


Blogger Comments:

[1] This is misleading, because it is untrue on several counts. Firstly, Halliday did not project the metafunctions onto context 6 decades ago, because metafunctions did not feature in Scale & Category Grammar (Halliday 1961).

Secondly, Halliday did not project the metafunctions onto context 6 decades ago, because context, in the SFL sense, did not feature in Scale & Category Grammar (Halliday 1961). Scale & Category Grammar was organised as follows:
Thirdly, Halliday did not follow Firth in projecting the metafunctions onto context 6 decades ago, because, although Halliday's Scale & Category did "follow" Firth in many respects, Firth died long before Halliday had theorised the metafunctions or context as the culture as semiotic system.

Fourthly, Halliday did not follow Malinowski in projecting the metafunctions onto context 6 decades ago, because Malinowski died long before Halliday had theorised the metafunctions. What is true is that Halliday later took Malinowski's notions of context of culture and context of situation and built them into his model of stratification, using Hjelmslev's notion of a connotative semiotic.

[2] This is very misleading indeed, because it falsely credits Martin with Halliday's work. Firstly, it was Halliday, not Martin (1992), who first proposed that the culture as semiotic system could be modelled, using Hjelmslev's ideas, as the content plane of a connotative semiotic, with language, a denotative semiotic, as its expression plane.

To be clear, for Hjelmslev, a connotative semiotic is a semiotic system that has a denotative semiotic system as its expression plane. Martin (1992), while claiming to be following Hjelmslev (p493), reduces the connotative semiotic to only its content plane, context, and models it as varieties of a denotative semiotic, register and genre, which on Hjelmslev's model, are located on the expression plane of the connotative semiotic.

[3] To be clear, since Martin misunderstands context systems (field, tenor, mode) as register (sub-potentials of language that realise context), any descriptions by these former students of Martin cannot be regarded as progress in the development of a coherent theory, however rapid.


Postscript: Martin has not publicly corrected any of the false attributions credited to him by Rose.

Wednesday, 2 September 2020

David Rose Misrepresenting Jim Martin's 'English Text' (1992)

It’s also now 3 decades since JRM showed how grammar/semantics relations vary between systems that serve to organise discourse metafunctionally, and how congruent/incongruent contrasts display ‘stratal tension' between grammatical and discourse semantic functions. In this light, MAKH’s 1975 Hjelmslevian metaphor of 'splitting the content plane’ needs revising, since his evidence actually shows that grammatical metafunctions emerge with exchanges and figure sequences, i.e. discourse semantic systems.

Blogger Comments:

[1] This is misleading, because it is untrue on several counts. Firstly, Martin (1992) takes the relation between grammar and his discourse semantics to be invariably one of realisation: 'the realisation relationship between discourse semantics and lexicogrammar' (p57), and does not propose different relations, varying according to metafunction (but see the note on 'interaction patterns' below). Secondly, Martin does not understand the notion of realisation (or instantiation), as shown by the following quote (p5), where he misunderstands it as a relation between system and process (i.e. in SFL terms, between system and the process of instantiation):
As noted above, system is related to process through the concept of realisationrealisation formalises the instantiation of system in process.
Thirdly, despite using the term 'realisation' for the relation between strata, Martin does not understand strata as different levels of symbolic abstraction. Instead, Martin mistakes all strata as one level of symbolic abstraction, linguistic meaning, and misunderstands strata as interacting modules, and proposes different interaction patterns between grammar and discourse semantics: cohesive harmony, modal responsibility, method of development and point (p393). None of these are modelled as interaction patterns by the (misunderstood) intellectual sources of these ideas: Hasan (cohesive harmony), Halliday (modal responsibility) and Fries (method of development and point). Moreover, in later work, Martin & Rose (2007), cohesive harmony and modal responsibility are absent, and method of development and point are reconstrued as the textual discourse semantic system of periodicity (critiqued here), thereby dismissing the original proposals.

[2] This is misleading, because Martin's discourse semantic systems are his rebrandings of Halliday's interpersonal semantic system, speech function, and Halliday & Hasan's textual lexicogrammatical systems, cohesion, as previously explained. In Martin's model, the textual system of conjunction is rebranded as a logical system (conjunction/connexion), and the textual system of lexical cohesion is rebranded as an experiential system. That is, in terms of SFL Theory, Martin's discourse semantic systems are limited to two metafunctions, interpersonal and textual, and only one system is semantic.

[3] To be clear, Martin's notion of 'stratal tension', which does not appear in Martin (1992), is simply a rebranding of Halliday's notion of an incongruent (metaphorical) relation between semantics and grammar. But more importantly, on Martin's model, there is stratal tension regardless of whether the grammatical realisation is metaphorical. For example, Martin's logical system, conjunction/connexion, is not organised according the three general types of expansion: elaboration, extension and enhancement, and the logico-semantic relation of projection is entirely absent. The reason for this is that Martin's source material, Cohesion In English (Halliday & Hasan 1976) was not organised on the three types of expansion, and being a model of cohesion, did not include projection.

[4] To be clear, this is 'metaphor' in the sense of theoretical model. Hjelmslev (1943) conceived of a content plane which distinguished content substance and content form. Halliday (1975), in describing the shift from protolanguage to language, relates meaning to content substance and wording to content form. Halliday (2004 [1975]: 55):
In Hjelmslevian terms, the functional basis of language has shifted from the “content substance” (in a system having no level of form) to the “content form”.
[5] This is misleading, because, to the extent that it is coherent, it is not true.

Firstly, even if it were true that Martin (1992) did provide evidence "that grammatical metafunctions emerge with exchanges and figure sequences, i.e. discourse semantic systems", it does not follow from this that the stratification of content into meaning and wording would need revising. The theoretical value of stratified content derives from the fact that it provides a systematic means of explaining grammatical metaphor.

Secondly, the notion that "grammatical metafunctions emerge" misunderstands SFL Theory. For Halliday, the metafunctions are highly generalised meanings that are used to interpret lexicogrammatical form. As Halliday (1985 & 1994: xvii) explains:
the form of the grammar relates naturally to the meanings that are being encoded. A functional grammar is designed to bring this out; it is a study of wording, but one that interprets the wording by reference to what it means.
Thirdly, 'figure sequences' do not constitute evidence on this matter because they do not appear in Martin (1992). This is because 'figure' and 'sequence' feature in the ideational semantics of Halliday & Matthiessen (1999), which wasn't published until seven years after Martin's publication.

Tuesday, 1 September 2020

David Rose Misrepresenting Michæl Halliday On The Relation Between Semantics And Grammar

You may have missed my comment that the 'natural/conventional' debate is out of date... by 6 decades, since MAKH showed how the phono/grammar relation is not ‘arbitrary’ at the ranks of intonation and rhythm, and often not at syllable rank. The IFG intro briefly acknowledges that old debate but proceeds to ignore it, preferring the terms ‘congruent/incongruent’ for grammar/semantics relations.



Blogger Comments:

[1] As previously explained, this misunderstands Halliday on the conventional (arbitrary) relation between lexicogrammar and phonology. The relation obtains between grammatical forms and their phonological realisations. Clearly, although participants and processes are naturally distinguished grammatically as nominal and verbal groups, nominal and verbal groups are not naturally distinguished phonologically by their realisations in intonation, rhythm and articulation. According to Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 11), the natural relation of prosodic phonology is to semantics, not grammar.

Importantly, it is the natural relation between semantics and grammatical form that makes it possible to interpret grammatical form in terms of the meanings they realise. If there were a natural relation between grammatical form and phonology, it would be possible to interpret phonology in terms of the grammatical form it realises.

[2] This is misleading, because the IFG introduction (Halliday 1985 & 1994: xvii-xix) does not acknowledge any "debate"; it merely sets out what Halliday means by a natural relation between semantics and grammar.

[3] This is very misleading indeed. Halliday (1985 & 1994: xvii-xix) does not "proceed to ignore" the natural/conventional distinction and does not "prefer" the terms 'congruent/incongruent' for grammar/semantic relations. As can be seen by reading what Halliday actually wrote here, Halliday begins by explaining what he means by a 'natural' relation between semantics and grammar, and then explains how grammatical metaphor exploits this natural relation.

Importantly, the relation between semantics and grammar is realisation, the 'symbol' sub-type of intensive (elaborating) identification, with semantics as Value and grammar as Token. This is the relation between all adjacent strata, whether the relation is natural or conventional, or congruent or incongruent.